Anarchist Publications of the May Fourth Era by Daniel S. S. Cairns

China experienced a tide of anarchist activity in the May Fourth era. Particularly in the early part of the 1920s, many young people were so inspired by anarchist political critiques and cultural and social insights that they began publishing their own radical journals. Although many of these publications lasted only an issue or two and their content was largely derivative of existing writings, they proliferated in the universities and large cities across China. Though many of these publications are lost, there have been a few attempts to document them. These journals form part of the story of anarchism's development in China and demonstrate its relevance to modern China. They tell us much about what aspects of anarchism were most attractive to Chinese intellectuals and to what extent anarchism influenced China's political climate in spite of the growing communist hegemony of the period's politics.

The May Fourth era is named for the patriotic, anti-government demonstration that took place in Beijing on the 4th of May 1919, though the time-line of the May Fourth Movement spans a half-decade on either side of the May Fourth Incident. The Movement has its beginnings in the anti-Japanese indignation sparked by the September 1914 seizure of Qingdao in Shandong province, which was then a German possession, as well as the New Culture Movement among the literati, generally described as beginning with the founding of New Youth by Chen Duxiu a year later. By 1919 the explosive potential of these two trends was realized. On May Fourth, student demonstrators representing nearly all universities in Beijing took to the streets with a message. Their rallying cries included nationalist slogans revolving around some form of “Save the Nation!”, often paired with more broadly anti-imperialist slogans such as “Self-Determination!” and “Oppose Power Politics!” At the time, these two tendencies – the nationalist and the anti-Imperialist – found common ground in opposing the Republican government, though their collusion has resulted in a certain undecidability about the May Fourth that continues to this day. The pervasive radicalism of the period, however, is certain.

The Qing Dynasty had fallen in 1911 and was succeeded by the supposedly modern and democratic Republic of China under the leadership of president Yüan Shikai. The early years of the Republic were tumultuous and by 1919 China as a nation was confronted with a number of concrete problems. Not only had the country witnessed the decline of the Imperial System which had ostensibly maintained order and stability for millennia, but the powers which replaced it yielded to Japanese aggression and dissolved into warlordism on the periphery of the territory. For the intellectuals there was an added crisis, traditional philosophical traditions, namely Confucianism, appeared bankrupt in the face of early 20th century's global modernity as alternative forms of Western philosophy such as socialism and liberalism appeared to offer the only practical solutions to the nation's problems.

This profound sense of alienation was felt by a generation of young intellectuals. The decline of the Qing dynasty also spelled the decline in the traditional examination system, by which intellectuals would be assigned their governmental jobs. Losing faith in political solutions to the country's problems, they shifted their attention to the social realm where anarchists had been agitating since before the fall of the Qing. One quote from a Peking University student from around 1917 is revealing: "We had nothing to do with our government, that we knew very well, and at the same time we could no longer depend upon the principle of any so-called great leader like Woodrow Wilson...." The failures of the Versailles Peace Treaty were linked to the futility of World War I in the minds of most Chinese. Further elaborated, this ubiquitous skepticism of imperial benevolence highlighted the bankruptcy of modern democratic diplomacy. The fact that the May Fourth Incident was ignited by widespread dissatisfaction with the results of official diplomacy also means that there was a degree of resistance to governmental solutions. The failures of government oversight, both foreign and domestic, correlated to an increase of interest in anarchism in this time period. The rise of anarchism was concurrent with the general elaboration in Chinese people's minds of what the May Fourth Movement stood for.

The ideas of the May Fourth Movement, then, were not seen as purely intellectual pursuits, they were the evidence of a large-scale search for solutions to national problems; it was an atmosphere conducive to anarchist activity. Though the May Fourth Movement was essentially nationalistic, it was also receptive to anarchism and shared many thematic qualities with it. Anarchism's theoretical inquisitiveness and perceived practical victories in education, labor organizing, and the Russian revolution formed the basis for its appeal. One of the most popular campaigns of the New Culture Movement, for example, was the reorganization of Peking University under the libertarian educator, Cai Yuanpei. Cai, who accepted the chancellorship of the university in late 1916, was receptive to anarchist ideas and held many of the leading anarchists such as Li Shizeng, Wang Jingwei, Wu Zhihui, and Huang Lingshuang as close colleagues. Thus, the liberal Hu Shi's declaration of “less talk about isms, more talk about problems” seemed, as “China's first Marxist,” Li Dazhao, argued, out of touch with what most people thought about the practical applicability of new ideas to the Chinese situation.

II

One of the salient features of the May Fourth Movement was that it was initiated by young intellectuals and founded on participation from other sectors of society as well. Even for foreign observers, it was difficult to mistake the student agitation for anything less than a concerted effort to revolutionize Chinese society from the ground up. During his stay in China, Bertrand Russell commented that while American and European students tended to be jaded and cynical, Chinese students responded to world politics by becoming revolutionaries. A revolutionary himself in a lot of ways, Russell valued the spirit for change that he perceived among his Chinese students.

In the list of popular demands that were voiced during the May Fourth Movement, we see another verse of anarchist critique. Opposition to capitalism, imperialism, sexism, and religious superstition were common points of reference for the young intellectuals who provided the movement with its force and emotional appeal. Democracy and science were the banners of social revolution which Chen Duxiu nominated as the two patron saints of the era, “Mr. Science” and “Mr. Democracy”. While the ideals of the May Fourth Movement were championed most fervently by the literati, their solutions to the social problems they identified involved all sectors of society. Anarchists played a large part in defining both the aims and the methods of the May Fourth social revolution.

A contributor to the third issue of the south Chinese anarchist newspaper Min xing (Fujian Star) defined the May Fourth Movement as “(1) cosmopolitanism instead of statism, (2) doctrine of masses instead of individualism, (3) doctrine of mutual aid instead of struggle, (4) liberalism instead of doctrine of restrain, (5) principles of creativity instead of traditionalism and conformism, (6) humanism instead of religion, and (7) doctrine of equality instead of class.” This anarchist cast to the movement's goals was in fact widely supported by non-anarchist intellectuals as well. The support that anarchistic goals received illustrates what can be described as the anarchist sensibility of the time. In May Fourth political culture, anarchism was more than an explicit political position. Anarchism manifest as a diffuse and pervasive “sensibility” that was characterized by an emphasis on social revolution. Anarchism in this sense was part of the mainstream of May Fourth discourse.

Anarchism was a significant part of the intellectual landscape. In a recent study by the Chinese historian Meng Qingshu, the author traces the lines of anarchist thought through the lives of the most famous May Fourth intellectuals. His study includes the cases of Chen Duxiu and the two brothers Zhou Zuoren and Lu Xun, though such eminent figures like Li Dazhao, Guo Moruo, Yun Daiying, Qu Qiubai, and Mao Zedong could safely be included. Many of these figures could be termed erstwhile anarchists by the 1920s, but it is a sign of anarchism's clout during the May Fourth period that they were at one point thoroughly engaged in anarchist activity.

Though it was one trend among many, the anarchist sensibility was representative of May Fourth discourse. As mentioned above, anarchistic social revolutionary positions on the traditional family, the state, and education were mainstream by around 1919. The iconoclasm of Paris-based anarchists like Li Shizeng, Wu Zhihui, and Cai Yuanpei was revived and championed by younger intellectuals, eventually pervading May Fourth discourse. For example, many students of the May Fourth period dropped their surnames in true anarchist fashion as symbolic of their loyalty, not to the family, but to the world. It is also true that the "Great Federation of Anti-religionists" (Feizong datongmeng) of Peking University reflected a philosophical debt to Bakunin. Members of this group included the most prominent anarchists of the time, Li Shizeng, Wu Zhihui, and Wang Jingwei, as well as Chen Duxiu.

Chinese anarchism, with its insistence on individual liberation, also paved the way for liberalism in China. Chinese liberalism is seen as one of the losers of the May Fourth period, possibly because of its general lack of political organization. Anarchists had already formulated the strongest defenses of ideas that liberals would define their positions on, yet anarchists had done so from a socialist standpoint. The radicals had also sufficiently critiqued the timidity of liberal commitments to reform before liberals could really establish themselves. May Fourth era China was a revolutionary time period.

In Kropotkin, Chinese anarchists found a sober and incisive critic of tradition. Kropotkin proposed in “Modern Science and Anarchism” that uncritical acceptance of tradition resulted in “The oppression of the preceding epoch [being] transmitted by law from the old society to the new, which grew upon the ruins of the old.” This account is identical to the Chinese anarchists' views on Confucius. Kropotkin's work gave a scientific and evolutionary basis for iconoclasm.

Science and its applicability in both study and labor was one of the key points of interest in anarchism. Kropotkin's mutual aid was seen as both scientifically and ethically validating of anarchist communism. Mutual aid, as Daniel Todes has pointed out, was not a foreign concept to many Russian scientists, nor was it a simply idiosyncratic rejection of Huxley's social Darwinism. It was, in fact, a mainstream idea for them. The same can be said of Chinese intellectuals. Mutual aid was seen as a Western scientific concept, but it was also a scientific validation of traditional concepts of harmony that were basic to traditional thought. To the average, uneducated Chinese as well, mutual aid was a fact of communal and village social life. In the context of the dissolution of state power that was external to the general populace, mutual aid was a radicalizing idea.

The questioning of Confucianism of the May Fourth intellectuals was preceded by a radical critique, an almost all-out assault, on Confucianism by the anarchists. Peter Zarrow has already charted the path of Chinese radical discourse through anarchism while demonstrating that not only was anarchism not peripheral because of its iconoclasm, in some crucial ways it was central to Chinese political culture. Xin qingniang (New Youth) magazine began to publish articles that were vehemently critical of Confucianism in 1916. Another magazine, Duan Feng (Custom Reform), was dedicated to replacing backwards traditional culture with democratic ideals. Contributors to the journal, which debuted in December 1918, include Yun Daiying and Yu Jiaju, who had both been involved with anarchist publishing projects earlier in the year. The journal also framed itself as part of the lineage of earlier reformers by reprinting articles by Kang Youwei, Yan Fu, and Cai Yuanpei.

Outside of the anarchist movement proper, radical anti-Confucianist voices from figures like Yi Baisha were commonly heard. Yi, the brother of the Guomindang anarchist Yi Beiqi, himself a party member, is described by Chow as "a nationalist with anarchist ideas." He was a contributor to both Jianshe and Xin qingnian, where his iconoclastic writings focused on criticizing Confucianism and warlord rule. As early as 1915, the Confucian basis of the traditional family system was attacked in New Culture magazines like Da Zhonghua (Great China). In a 1917 article for Da Zhonghua entitled “Confucian One-world Philosophy Originated in Laozi's Thought,” author Wu Yü attempts to prove that the fulfillment of Confucianism would actually result in a Utopian world where filial piety was extended to every member of society, not limited to parents. Xin chao, was instrumental in publishing articles critical of the family structure, including Gu Chengwu's “Thoughts on the Old Family System,” which was a critical inspection of the problematic nature of the Confucian family structure. In the spring of 1920, Jiating yanjiu (Family Studies), a journal whose central purpose is to elaborate a New Culture critique of the traditional family system is founded. The journal advocated radical solutions such as free love and gender equality in place of traditional social roles and customs. It is quite possible that the contents of this journal would have been unthinkable without the anarchist writings of the prior decade.

In one sense, as Yeh Wen-hsin recounts about the life of the anarchist Shi Cuntong, some rural young people adopted radical anarchist ideas and even lifestyles in order to "salvage the ethical intent of the Confucianism they had imbibed in their family and village schools." Though Shi Cuntong and others of the conservative areas of Zhejiang were drawn to anarchism in order to repair the ruptures in their traditional way of life, they did so by appropriating ideas which had filtered down to them from the modernist intellectuals. Yeh reports that although Shi was a very tradition-oriented thinker at the time of his entrance to university, he was soon absorbed in reading publications of the New Culture Movement such as Xin qingnian (New Youth), Kropotkin in translation, and Chinese anarchist magazines such as Minsheng, Ziyou lu, and Jinhua.

Yeh Wen-hsin summarizes Shi Cuntong's anarchist conversion, which was quite typical in many ways, being that after taking up the mantle of anarchism, Shi whole-heartedly committed himself to spreading anarchist ideas. For him, "Publication was a vital first step towards the ultimate creation of a new society: it facilitated the dissemination of truthful ideas and contributed to the mobilization of a larger group of comrades." Like many enthusiastic young anarchists, Shi and his colleagues contributed their thoughts to the radical graphosphere, publishing a paper, Zhejiang xin chao (Zhejiang New Tide) in November 1919. Through this publication, Shi would earn his iconoclastic reputation by defying all familial mores in his essay, "Decry Filial Piety!" Shi's anti-family thoughts cause a scandal in his hometown and earned him notoriety among his peers. He was also taken under the wing of older radicals. Shen Zhongjiu, who was later the editor of the Shanghai-based Ziyou ren (Free Man), was a teacher at Shi's school and encouraged him to write and to question authority. After the strong reaction to his article, Shi fled to Beijing at Shen's advice where he met with Chen Duxiu who in turn convinced him to travel to Japan. While in Japan, Shi met with the Japanese anarchist Ōsugi Sakae, who became another anarchist mentor.

In the iconoclastic temper of the period, a lot of individual radicals resist easy categorization because to an extent the iconoclastic muse took forms in China that resemble the rigorous denunciations of convention made by the Russian nihilist movement and Stirnerian individualists. The statement put forward by the Wuhu Student Union, for example, rejected the wave of New Culture thought just as it rebelled against traditional authority. Their stated purpose reads, “We will not only refuse to obey unconsciously all of the old customs, thoughts, and the familial, social, and state organizations, but also will not blindly believe in the contemporary so-called new-thought tide, such as 'democracy', 'Bolshevism', 'anarchism', and what is told to us by our teachers and friends.” It was rare for young radicals of the May Fourth period to claim fidelity to any ideology in particular. While anarchism was a very visible intellectual trend, there were not many people who identified as “anarchists”.

Benjamin Schwartz has argued that the 1890 reform writers like Kang Youwei, Liang Qichao, Tan Sitong, Zhang Binglin, and Yan Fu were the real generation who pioneered Western new ideas and advocated radical breaks with tradition. This is essentially correct, yet judging from the volume of anarchist writings and their spread, it seems as though the emphasis should also include anarchist thinkers such as Li Shizeng, Wu Zhihui, Liu Shipei, Shifu. It was in fact Zhang Binglin, Kang Youwei and Tan Sitong's writings at their most utopian or iconoclastic (anarchistic) that were the texts which were most influential. Yan Fu, Liang Qichao, and the early Chinese anarchists all changed the May Fourth intellectuals' relationship to the past in the way that worth and value were presented in philosophical discussion. Prior to them, even reformers had framed their ideas in terms of tradition. After them, iconoclasm became the zeitgeist and mode of political criticism.

Anarchism was uniquely situated at the foreground of other radical trends in the May Fourth era. Like liberalism it valued individual liberty; like communism it was concerned with resolving social and class tensions; like the academics the anarchists developed theoretical and aesthetic frameworks; like labor unionists the anarchists spent time organizing with the workers. Anarchism was a basis and radicalizing agent for the trends in the May Fourth Movement.

III

The explosion of new publications during the May Fourth Movement was a logical expression of popular discontent. Once people felt free to publish their own papers and free to question convention, they naturally were stimulated by anarchism. There was a correlation between freedom of speech and interest in anarchism.

Clearly, anarchism in the 1910s was not limited to anarchist publications. Prominent New Culture journals such as the monthly New Tide and Republic Daily (Minguo ribao) were also eager to promote socialist ideas. These magazines, though liberal, published articles dealing with issues raised by anarchists and even dealing with anarchism itself. Anarchism caught on in China because it offered explanations and remedy for the dislocations of traditional life, precisely the crises that the New Culture Movement also sought answers for. Zhang Ji, who by 1919 was in his late 30s, wrote to the journal expressing that his sole hope for the future laid in the New Culture sensibilities of New Tide. In 1904 Zhang Ji had begun writing some of the first Chinese essays on anarchism and by 1919 he was praising what he saw as the inheritance of his efforts. As a theory that justified the dissolution of the family, the state, and gender roles, anarchism in China was essentially iconoclastic, even while it did find some resonance in certain strains of traditional thought.

Republic Daily was founded in 1915 as a general interest newspaper, though it is credited with making socialist and New Culture ideas acceptable to the reading public. It hosted contributions from prominent anarchists like Hua Lin, Wang Jingwei, and Zhang Binglin. The Paris anarchist Wu Zhihui even edited a weekly supplement of scientific news. What is most significant, though is that intellectuals like Gao Yihan and Lu Xun, who wrote articles for the paper, were put in contact with anarchist ideas. Though neither of them claimed any loyalty to anarchism as such, their own intellectual output reveals how the anarchist sensibility spread during this era.

The first major paper to publish anarchist articles publicly was the Guofeng Daily (National Customs Daily), edited by the Shanxi anarchist Jing Meijiu. The paper would later also include a supplement about anarchism which carried the works of Kropotkin, Tolstoy, Bertrand Russell, Bakunin, and Emma Goldman in translation. Guofeng daily was soon joined by Guomin gongbao and the Shuntian Times in publishing anarchist writings for a wide audience. Guomin gongbao was especially popular for serializing Kropotkin's Memoirs of a Revolutionist, though it was not long before the paper was banned and the translator arrested.

In 1919 and 1920, two GMD papers in Shanghai, Xingqi pinglun (The Weekly Review) and Jianshe (Construction), published articles on anarchism, and New Youth, which would become a communist organ after the founding of the party, accepted contributions from nearly every major May Fourth anarchist. Yuan Zhenying, member of the anarchist Truth Society in Beijing, even served on the editorial board of New Youth, which republished his translation of Emma Goldman's “Marriage and Love”.

The Journal of the Young China Association (Shaonian Zhongguo), established in July 1919, is another example of a May Fourth periodical which gave anarchists a platform for debate. The magazine was edited by Li Dazhao who was working out of the central offices of the Young China Association, a patriotic New Culture group. Wang Guangqi, one of the founders and most vigorous proponents of the Young China Association, though he was thoroughly nationalist, was influenced by anarchism in defining the aims of the organization. He focused on the need for social transformation to change China, and disapproved of putting faith in state political processes. The magazine also accepted contributions from the anarchists Hua Lin, Cai Yuanpei, and Li Shizeng.

In the wake of the May Fourth Incident, student unions were established in every major university in China. Often these unions used a periodical to define the mission of the group. A quick glance at some of these offers concrete evidence of the appeal to young intellectuals of anarchist ideas. The Nankai Daily, which was published by the Nankai School in Tianjin, began publication a few weeks after the Incident. Their stated aim was patriotic, but the editor's interest in anarchist theory and the New Village Movement shone through. The paper was suspended within two weeks of its debut, though it resumed publication in mid-June.

In Beijing alone there was a significant amount of anarchist-sympathetic student magazines. At Peking University, the main student weekly (Peking University Student Weekly) was founded in January 1920 with the stated aim of “[improving] study and [restructuring] society with a spirit of mutual aid.” Peking University student Zhu Qianzhi, who was a contributor to the weekly, also established Fendou (Strife), with some colleagues on the same day that the weekly was founded. Fendou was one of the most radical student papers of the period; it was anti-Marxist, anti-progressive, and pro-anarchist. There are also reports that Zhu Qianzhi began a Society for the Study of Anarchism at Peking University, where there was also a Society for the Study of Syndicalist Socialism, organized by another anarchist, Chen Guyuan. Another student group, the Shuguang Society (Dawn Society), while not an anarchist group, published a magazine that carried translations of Kropotkin.

Outside of Peking University, there is the Xin shehui (New Society) magazine, which was founded with the sponsorship of the Beijing YMCA. It was an anti-traditionalist New Culture paper with specifically anarchist leanings. A year later a semblable paper, Xin shengming (New Life), premiered in Tianjin with the goal of founding a free society built upon mutual aid. The aims expressed in these papers are emblematic of New Culture student thought.

In April 1918, Mao Zedong and his friends in Hunan established the "New People's Study Society" along the models of other student groups. By this time, Mao had already become a regular reader of New Youth and his passion for social revolution was evident. Later that year, Mao would travel to one of the centers of new social and political thought, Peking University, with plans of participating in the anarchistic work-study program in France. Mao's writings show that even until 1919, when he explained approvingly, “[t]here is a group of people who hope to merge all the nations on earth into a single whole, to unite all humans and form a big family.... The leader of this group is Kropotkin, a Russian", that he was influenced by anarchism.

In the realm of practical political activities, anarchists were influential in both the work-study and labor movements. Anarchists focused their strategy on dissolving the dichotomy between mental and manual work. Their ultimate goal was the creation of a generation of people who could just as easily write an essay as cultivate the land. Fortunately for them, they found a generation highly receptive to this message. Work-study students were almost universally attracted to the idea of “laborism” (laodong zhuyi), the belief that, along with mutual aid, represented anarchist theory to many young people in China. Tolstoy's “pan-laborism”, as well, was the subject of discussion in mainstream political papers. These social revolutionary positions were the organizing principles for many May Fourth student and labor groups.

Anarchist groups like the Work-Study Society (Gongxue hui) of Peking Higher Normal College, were integral to cultivating an atmosphere of campus radicalism that facilitated collective mass student action. The Work-Study Society wanted to create an anarchist society in China through the principles of liberated manual and mental education for all Chinese people. Beginning in 1919, they published a paper, Gongxue (Work-Study), aimed at examining the intersection of labor and student issues. There were corresponding papers among Chinese anarchist students in France, too. Hua Lin and Chen Duxiu's two sons, Chen Yannian and Chen Qiaonian established Gongyu (After Work), a semimonthly that was the leading anarchist voice in opposition to the pro-Soviet communist youth papers in France at the time.

In 1920 Yun Daiying and his colleagues collaborated on a single-issue publication called Huzhu (mutual aid), which is published in Wuzhang. Their collective, the Huzhu Society stands for the “progress of youth by mutual [aid] and for 'democracy' but with anarchist and socialist leanings”. A similar invocation of the doctrine of mutual aid appeared the Work Study Mutual Aid Corps (Gongdu huzhutuan) in Beijing promoted a 3-part system of work, study, and communal living. The experiment was not explicitly anarchist, though it was heavily inspired by anarchism. While it eventually ended with dissolution for its members and Wang Guangqi, its leader, the model was influential and soon the Beijing corps was joined by similar projects in other cities. The group was supported by the Zhejiang New Tide magazine. This periodical was used to support the practical activities of the group. As Wang Guangqi wrote in issue number 7, dated January 1920: “The Work-and-Learning Mutual Aid groups are the embryo of the new society, and the first step in the realization of our ideals.... On paper we advocate a social revolution every day, but we have yet to begin to put it into practice.” One experiment to put the social revolution into practice was founded by Deng Zhongxia, future communist labor leader, who organized the Morning Garden Society at Peking University in October 1919 to encourage the “dual-movement” of student to worker and back while also practically aiding students with their daily lives.

But even within their labor organizing, Chinese anarchists – because they believed that labor should be self-organized autonomously – made education the focus of their labor strategy. Though they were also involved in labor strikes and workplace agitation, anarchists were primarily concerned with providing educational opportunities for the laborers themselves. This involved setting up worker's schools and clubs and, importantly, publishing journals to spread syndicalist ideas. These papers were, unlike the communist labor organs to follow, not meant to represent labor interests, but to provide resource for labor action.

China's first syndicalist paper, Laodong (Labor), was established and edited by anarchists. This paper espoused a Proudhonian working-class attitude towards labor struggles. Indicative of anarchist labor and class strategy in China at the time, Labor was concerned with pacifying rather than aggravating class tension. Laodong yuekan (Labor Monthly), which started publication in Shanghai in March 1918 in Shanghai, was edited by two founding members of Laodong, Liang Bingxian, assisted by Shifu's brother, Liu Shixin. Until it stopped publication in July 1918 because of financial trouble, it published five volumes. In 1920, the anarchists Pang Renquan and Huang Ai found the Hunan laogong hui (Hunan Worker's Union) in Changsha, Hunan. Their papers Laogong (Worker) and its successor, Laogong zhoukan (Worker's Weekly), were meant for circulation among the members of the organization, which numbered up to 7000.

Probably because of their experience with producing magazines, anarchists were often responsible for the publications of non-anarchist labor groups that they were members of. In 1920, when the communist nucleus was founded in Beijing, a few anarchists were recruited. They were the ones put in charge of publishing the group's paper, Laodong yin (Voice of Labor). Anarchists also contributed syndicalist analyses to communist papers like Laodong jie (Labor Circles) and Laodong zhoukan (Labor Weekly).

In practical terms, the anarchist sensibility in China was more responsible for spreading anarchism than explicitly anarchist action was, though by no means would there have been an anarchist sensibility as pervasive as it was had there not been explicitly anarchist precedents in the formation of a Chinese anarchist critique of society. The anarchist movement anticipated much of what would be seen as the novel ideas of the New Culture and May Fourth Movements. As one trend among several, anarchism contributed to the tide of social and political ferment in China between the years of 1911 and 1925. The anarchist sensibility should be contextualized within the New Culture and May Fourth Movements as differentiated from but in a reciprocal relationship to activity that was explicitly anarchist.

There is a strong correlation between the prevalence of the anarchist sensibility in the political atmosphere of the May Fourth period and the rise in the production of periodicals. In fact, the New Culture Movement is generally described as beginning with the founding of a magazine, Chen Duxiu's New Youth in September 1915. In China, publication decentralized and on a budget, lent itself strikingly to the small, subversive groups that were the base of anarchist activity. The May Fourth period is sometimes known as the time of the “Chinese Enlightenment,” corresponding to the unique social transformation at the intersection of political and intellectual upheaval. Freedom of the press was ostensibly guaranteed by law and fissures appeared in the once impassable summits of Chinese tradition. Free expression and iconoclasm synchronously flourished.

In Chinese political culture, anarchism was more than an explicit political position, anarchism manifest as a diffuse and pervasive “sensibility” that was characterized by iconoclasm, decentralization, and an emphasis on social revolution. Scalapino and Yu hinted at this trend, though their analysis of the breadth of a dispersed anarchist sensibility was limited to anarchism's influence on the nascent communist movement of the post-May Fourth period. Likewise, in The Origins of Chinese Communism and his writing of the mid-late 1980s, Arif Dirlik establishes credible evidence for the “communism's midwife” thesis and he puts forward compelling arguments that anarchism was the dominant form of socialism during the May Fourth Movement. Most explicitly, Peter Zarrow's work deals with anarchism as a key element in the formation of Chinese intellectual trends. Even in China itself, new scholarship is being done that traces the impact on anarchism on literary figures who may never have considered themselves as anarchists. The idea of an anarchist sensibility (what Dirlik calls “vague anarchism” ) as distinct from the anarchist movement is receiving some attention, but its impact is still under appreciated.

IV

Arif Dirlik estimates that ninety-two anarchist societies operated in China in the decade following the May Fourth Incident. It is difficult to ascertain an exact amount, however, because many anarchist groups operated underground. In the proliferation of anarchist magazines and attendance at anarchist events, it is obvious that anarchists were active and mobile during the May Fourth Movement. Certain gatherings, like an April 1920 student gathering in Fujian, were able to draw dozens of anarchists; at the Congress of the Far Eastern Movement held in June 1921, thousands of anarchists were estimated to be in attendance.

The anarchists of the May Fourth period were the successors of an older generation of Chinese anarchists who had been active before the fall of the Qing Dynasty. The first mainland anarchist society, the Cock-crow Society, was founded in 1911 by Liu Sifu, commonly referred to as Shifu. Prior to this organization, Chinese anarchists had already gathered in both France and Japan. There they had published the first Chinese-language anarchist periodicals in 1907, Xin shiji (New Era) in Paris, and Tianyi bao (Heavenly Justice) in Tokyo. Xin Shiji was edited by Li Shizeng and Wu Zhihui, who would remain as prominent figures in China's political culture throughout the May Fourth Movement. By the founding of the Republic, their journal had made its way to certain segments of the revolutionary milieu in mainland China. It was through the influence of this magazine in particular that Shifu was drawn to anarchism.

Shifu's Cock Crowing in the Darkness Society was the first group of Chinese anarchists who were unconnected with either the Paris or Tokyo scene, though they had been very much inspired by these predecessors. There was a big difference, however, in the political commitments of Shifu and the Paris anarchists: while Shifu, who had earlier been involved with Revolutionary Alliance activities (the precursor to the Guomindang), renounced these and all other party affiliations when he became an anarchist, the Paris anarchists became more inclined to work with Sun Yat-sen as they became more well-known as anarchists. This led to some strong disagreements between Shifu and Wu Zhihui in 1913, though the latter would gain a deep respect for the former a decade later.

In some very appreciable ways, the anarchist activities of the May Fourth Movement appealed to the earlier legacy of Chinese anarchism. The memory of Li Shizeng's 1912 Society to Promote Virtue, whose membership pledged to refuse all offer of political office, was appropriated by a Peking University group with the same name and espousing the same goals later in the decade. Also similar to guidelines adopted by members of Shifu's group, the Xin Society (Conscience Society), initiates pledged that they would not solicit prostitutes or take concubines. Cai Yuanpei commented that not even the teachings of Confucianism are this strict. About 1000 students and faculty joined this group.

Shifu, the prime luminary of Chinese anarchism, died of tuberculosis in Shanghai in the end of March, 1915. Though his life ended at the point that the New Culture Movement was just getting started, his work and thought would remain influential during the May Fourth Movement. His essays on Jiang Kanghu, the leader of the Socialist Party, and Sun Yat-sen, combined into book form after his death, were popular reading for students during the latter half of the 1910s. Multiple magazines even dedicated entire issues to Shifu during the May Fourth Movement, and his philosophy was even codified as “Shifuism” by his disciple Huang Lingshuang in 1919.

Shifu's legacy was probably best carried on by the associates of his magazine, Minsheng (Voice of the People). The Minsheng Magazine Collective (Minsheng zazhi she) had coalesced around Shifu's earlier incarnation of the paper, Huiming lu (Voice of the Cock Crowing in the Dark), in Guangzhou, where Shifu and others had an office. In early 1914, the society was forced to move their operation to Shanghai from Guangzhou; yet despite government suppression of their activities the paper had a formidable run: 29 issues printed on a more-or-less monthly basis from August 1913 until November 1916. Shifu had been the driving force behind the paper and after his death Lin Junfu, an old friend of Shifu's, edited Minsheng, as did Liang Bingxian and Zheng Peigang. Since most of the articles in Minsheng were penned by Shifu, the paper had a reputation for fierce rhetoric that reflected Shifu's strong personality which was difficult to reproduce. Though it ceased publication after 1916 and the members of the Minsheng Magazine Collective went on to other things, the paper would be revived in 1921.

In 1917, what was left of the Minsheng Magazine Collective began to clandestinely publish an irregular anarcho-syndicalist paper, Gongren baojian (Workers' Mirror) that advocated unionism, the general strike, direct action, and criticized Marxism. Liu Shixin, Shifu's brother, followed Liang Bingxian to Singapore, where they took jobs as educators, and Zheng Peigang entered the industrial work-force in Shanghai, armed with propaganda produced on Shifu's printing press. In this diaspora of activists, the Cantonese anarchists begot a dispersed network of anarchist societies. The Shi she (Truth Society) and Jinhua she (Evolution Society) in Beijing, the Qun she in Nanjing, and the Ping she in Shanxi all inherited Shifu's legacy of agitation and anarchist propaganda. The papers produced by these groups, Ziyou lu, the reformed Minsheng, and Jinhua were all publications with surprising distribution and currency during the May Fourth Movement.

V

As we have seen, while the orientations of the majority of May Fourth journals were eclectic, all of them to the extent that they grappled with the relevant issues of the May Fourth period, had to account for anarchist challenges to the status quo. The journals that were explicitly anarchist were a minority, though a considerable one. Speaking generally about the time period, writing exploded in popularity in the May Fourth era. Chow Tse-tsung estimates that in the interim between 1915 and 1923, over 700 new magazines debuted in China. If this estimate is accurate, at least one tenth of these were explicitly anarchist.

These periodicals were often associated with a small group of politicized students who took it upon themselves to publicize their social and political views. Many of the journals, modeling themselves after New Youth or some similar journal, featured responses to intellectual controversies of the day. Another common feature of these magazines is an engagement with Western intellectual trends. There was a bevy of translated works by non-Chinese authors, attesting to the awareness of and receptivity to new ideas within the Chinese intelligentsia. Yet an explosion of original manifestos written by the political small-groups illustrates that they were not only receptive – they were fusing and adapting news ideas to their own context. Hundreds of small publications passed through the hands of young people in China during the May Fourth period. Often just as quickly as they began, they disappeared.

Because of their secretive nature and threadbare printing, many of the May Fourth anarchist magazines haven't survived. Nearly all of them make their way to contemporary readers – if their memory survives at all – through mention in another source. Through investigating the history of anarchist publication of the years 1915-1925, we can see that some of the more well-established journals of the time, namely Minsheng (Voice of the People), Minzhong (The People's Bell), Jinhua (Evolution), and Xuehui (Sea of Learning), recorded in detail the publishing activities of other, smaller, more transient collectives. The point of such records was to frame these often disparate anarchist ventures in the structure of a broadly united tendency, though that often conceals the relative independence of much anarchist activity at the time.

More recent (post-Mao) historiographical efforts from the People's Republic of China have also done their part to retroactively piece together an anarchist “movement” and ideology, even if only to then lob orthodox state-communist criticisms against that history. In these Chinese language histories, namely Wusi shiqi qikan jieshao (An Introduction to Periodicals of the May Fourth Period), Wuzhengfuzhuyi sixiang ziliaoxuan (Selections of Anarchist Thought), and Wusi shiqi de shetuan (Societies of the May Fourth Period), one can get a sense about the selected and collected documents therein, that there was a diverse, decentralized, and dynamic anarchist presence in May Fourth-era China.

VI

Print was the most popular form of propaganda for Chinese anarchists at this time. It was also the most common introduction to anarchist activity for Chinese people. Decentralized organizational methods were adopted in response to conditions both external and internal to Chinese anarchism. On the one hand, government suppression necessitated secure and dynamic means from anarchists in order to evade confiscation or arrest. Internally, anarchist philosophy itself tends to emphasize small, decentralized formations based on affinity rather than large political parties based on enforced ideological unity. The decentralization of the anarchist activities in China contributed to the effectiveness of anarchism in print during the May Fourth period. The print medium had a reciprocal effect on how anarchism was spread and interacted with.

Anarchist publication flourished in a decentralized manner during the May Fourth movement, though there were some focal points. After Shifu’s death, a large number of anarchists gathered in Beijing. There, after Yuan Shikai died in June 1916, Li Yuanhong succeeded him as the president of the Republic of China. Under the new leadership, the government became less strict with the limitation of ideology, offering anarchists greater opportunities to run campaigns. Many anarchistic publications were established during this period, making Beijing the center of anarchist activity. The Shi she (Truth Society), the first anarchist organization in northern China, was born at Peking University in this time period. Its principle members, Yuan Zhenying, Ou Shengbai, and Huang Lingshuang, worked closely with older anarchists like Zheng Peigang, Li Shizeng, and Wu Zhihui.

The Shi Society was established spring 1917 by Huang Lingshuang, Jing Cheng, Yuan Zhenying, Hua Lin, Taimou, and Ou Shengbai, though there was no formal leadership. At that time Zheng Peigang traveled to Beijing from Shanghai, where he had been working as a sailor. Zheng had arranged to meet with Yuan Zhenying and Huang Lingshuang to discuss anarchist organizing. He accepted the responsibility for printing for the group. Though the Shi Society printed a total of 32 pamphlets, their paper Ziyou lu (Records of Freedom) was intended to be the group's primary mode of propagandizing anarchism.

Ziyou lu took on a hostile position to the Republican government and demanded a populist democratic society in place of the what they saw as the Republican charade that collapsed into warlordism and state tyranny. The Shi Society declared their anarchist-communist ideals and their opposition to political alienation in the preface to their journal. The text is telling of the ambitions and challenges of post-Shifu Chinese anarchists:

"It can be said that the progression of the world has thus far been delayed. The disturbances of the last few thousand years have recently progressed toward republicanism. And on the surface, it appears that people are becoming happier. However, those with power prevent others from pursuing happiness; the powerful ferociously act to exterminate new life, thus forcing everyone far away from an ideal society. We feel the present social inequalities and life's pervasive hardships; therefore, we want to start changing things. As far as government goes, we seek anarchist forms of organization, and in the realm of economics, we follow in communist doctrine; this is how we will abolish the machinations of the powerful and malevolent. We undauntedly advance towards this very point of conflict, our tactic being called "pursuing only a slight superiority." With such unbearable hardship facing us, how can we not but treasure our close comrades? Despite the beauty of anarchism, the integrity of communism, and our desire for victory, we cannot change everything in a short amount of time. Because of this fact, we have no choice but to lodge the ideas of anarcho-communism in the hearts of the common people, thereby enlightening them. There are both radical and gradualist modes of imparting such doctrines. One way is to use bombs and handguns in the fashion of Jing Ke and Sofia Perovskaya ; another way is to use speech and education to arouse sympathy and cultivate common virtues and wisdom. At first sight, these two modes seem incompatible, but when they are actually realized they move in unison and without contradiction. To those ends, I would like these writings to help move us in the gradual attainment of communism. So, let's go! Who could be ignorant of today's deplorable social system? If we are easily satisfied with only our own personal appeasement then we have failed before we have begun. Instead we must do our utmost and move forward, carrying out reform in solidarity with every other nation. Is there any better way? There is a poem that reads, "when the wind and the rain are as black as night, the cock's crow is never-ending." Our movement is ignorant and I myself lack capability. We need to become stronger. Let's guide the flow of this new strength and raise up its waves. There is a lot to do – and this is what we'd hope for."

The writers behind "Records of Freedom" took Kropotkin's theory of mutual aid as a fundamental value for their ideas about both society and nature. It was according to Kropotkin himself that all living things, in their struggle for existence in spite of harsh conditions, tend to cooperate for reciprocal benefit rather than, as Huxley had said (echoing Hobbes), fight in a war of each against all.

Though it existed only for a period and its selection of articles was limited, Ziyou lu was well connected to emerging intellectual trends. It was more democratic than earlier anarchist papers like Minsheng in that its outlook was shaped by more than just one person. The paper was novel in featuring a section for replying to reader's letters. And though Ziyou lu did sometimes tread many of the well-worn theoretical footsteps of Minsheng and Xin Shiji (New Era), it was more engaged with analyzing Chinese political shifts than its predecessors.

Women's issues, for example, were popular topics of debate during the May Fourth Movement, and Ziyou lu contributed to the debate by publishing an original translation of Emma Goldman's “Marriage and Love” done by Yuan Zhenying and an article on women's rights after the first world war by Hua Lin. The Shi Society were also very concerned with family issues, which they connected with government and religion. According to Yuan Zhenying in an article published in their magazine, marriage was the linchpin of social oppression. Historian Shin Yasuko, who has written about Chinese and Japanese anarchist positions of the family, summarizes the argument as “once marriage became extinct, the family would not exist, and people would become free citizens of the world. And thus problems of government and religion would be resolved naturally.”

Chinese anarchists, like many anti-traditionalists in early twentieth-century China, took language reform as one of their token issues. The writer Lu Xun had championed vernacular writing (baihua, as opposed to traditional language), though vernacular was also adopted in Chen Duxiu's New Youth and promoted by Hu Shi. Anarchists sometimes took different tacks, though the impulse was similar. Minsheng was published simultaneously in Chinese and Esperanto. Wu Zhihui, for his part, had compiled a dictionary of reformed Chinese that included a phonetic guide to Chinese characters. Ziyou lu, too, conscientiously addressed the issue of reforming the written language. In its first issue it published a short biography on Zamenhoff, the creator of Esperanto, followed by the essay, “Esperanto and the Anarchist Movement” by Ou Shengbai in the second issue. Many intellectuals viewed the depth of the Chinese language as an impediment to popular education.

Esperanto was a very appealing alternative to classical writing for the Chinese anarchists. For one, it facilitated communication between anarchists in China and the European anarchist movement. A Russian in Beijing, Vasily Eroshenko, was unable to speak Chinese, yet he was able to contribute anarchist writings to an Esperanto anarchist paper out of Shanghai, Lü guang (Green Light). In another way, Esperanto did not have any of the negative connotations that Chinese did in the era of iconoclasm.

VII

The second issue of Ziyou lu was published in May 1918, around the same time that another anarchist society, Ping Society (Equality Society) was founded. The Ping Society organized out of a middle school in Shanxi,where they published a magazine called Taiping (Peace). The goal of the group was succinctly stated by their name. They advocated equal human rights, an egalitarian (classless) society, and equal male and female educational opportunities. However, Taiping, like Ziyou lu, did not have a long run; it folded within the year. Both of these magazines would combine their efforts to create the Jinhua (Evolution) journal, the premier Chinese anarchist publication of the time.

The Jinhua Society was really just the reconfiguration of four already existing groups. Shi Society, Minsheng Magazine Collective, and Ping Society, already mentioned, were joined by former members of the Buddhist monk Taixu's Socialist Party, Wu Wu, Zhi Dao, Qiu Tong, and Zhen Feng. This group had established the Qun Society (Masses Society) in 1916, based on an earlier project called the Seminar on Anarchism. They published one volume of their journal, Ren qun (Masses) and another publication called Annual Report.

From the start, this new affiliation had a periodical as their focal point. The project involved many of the most well-known anarchists in China: Huang Lingshuang and Chen Yannian (Chen Duxiu's son) served as editors of the paper; Hua Lin and Ou Shengbai were contributors and Zheng Peigang, was the printer. Their stated aims were ardently phrased by Huang Lingshuang in the introduction to the paper:

"For the time being we would like to take the truths of 'mutual aid' and spread them throughout society. [We want to] allow people to understand these truths and to act on them. This is the goal of our periodical – 'Evolution'!... In the fields of morals, politics, economics, religion, and society our research is to use the natural-scientific methods of induction and deduction. In congruence with astronomical and biological research done by the naturalist scholars, we adopt the same. We conclude that [our detractors] demur using these methods in their criticisms and only speak in 'generalities' or the nonsense of 'illogical statements' (for example when they say anarchism is 'heresy', socialism is a 'torrential flooding [mob rule]', or use bitter words and cruelties) to insult us. But we are 'preparing for battle', and with these proponents we declare war! We shall see in the end who will be the victor, and this is precisely the position of our periodical – 'Evolution'!"

The rest of the magazine's declaration is essentially an essay on Western evolutionary theory, citing the works of Darwin, Huxley, and Herbert Spencer. The scientific thrust of the magazine reflects the tactical position of anarchists in regards to tradition and modernity. Anarchists of the first generation in Paris and Tokyo had been fiercely divided about the issue of science's place in revolutionary theory. The Jinhua journals illustrates that anarchists of the New Culture-era acknowledged a deeper philosophical debt to Kropotkin, Reclus, and the Paris anarchists, than Tolstoy and Liu Shipei. Chinese anarchists from New Era to Huang Lingshuang thought of revolution as a scientific and biologically based process; it was “re-evolution”, not just revolt.

The paper itself was printed and distributed clandestinely in Shanghai to avoid suppression. The paper's run was cut short at three issues, however, because on May 5th, 1919, following the Incident of the day before, the government's transportation department ordered all postal offices to retain any and all illicit papers like Evolution that they came across. The planned future publications, including translations of some non-Chinese anarchist works and a selection of books entitled Evolution Series that aimed at propagandizing anarchist theory, were put on hold after May 4th.

VIII

A lot of anarchist writing seems to have been done on the run in the 1920s because anarchism was perceived as a threat by the government. As Arif Dirlik reports, "The otherwise incompetent military regimes in China proved quite effective in suppressing radicals. Government reports from early 1919 reveal its vigilance against 'extremist' propaganda.... In early 1920, the government reported that it had confiscated eighty-three 'extremist' publications." Most of the confiscated magazines were anarchist. Anarchists were mobile, though, and with each wave of repression they moved their operation. In one representative case in 1922, Hunanese anarchists fleeing government repression moved first to Hanzhou, where they establishing Xue ji (Sacrifice With Blood), and then to Shanghai, there publishing Xue zhong (Blood Bell).

Because of government suppression, decentralization was a necessary feature of anarchist activity in China. There was never a full-scale federation, though some anarchists attempted to create one. Nor was there an orchestrated power struggle against the state. Rather, anarchist activity was scattered and sometimes secretive, a model of organizing that lent itself to education and publishing activities. For this reason, a discussion of printed propaganda, opinion, and news is integral to any discussion of Chinese anarchism in the May Fourth period.

If the early 1920s was a time of collective struggle against authority with anarchists not the least enthusiastic or influential participants, the later part of the decade saw the emergence of a Bolshevik-like Chinese Community Party and the dubiously radical and thoroughly statist Nationalist Party. Thus, after a few years of notable accomplishments, the anarchists in China were effectively silenced by the two centralized political parties. The insights of the Chinese anarchists should not be discounted, however. They were the vanguard of aesthetic culture, were instrumental in forging links between workers, intellectuals, and other oppressed groups, and were the first to interpret socialism into a Chinese context.

They showed a path to modernism that was neither the exploitation of foreign imperialism nor the despotism of a domestic dynasty. Most of all, like Bakunin's predictions about the authoritarian nature of Marxism, the Chinese anarchists, too, foresaw the horrors and were the first to sound the alarm about the fate of China under a totalitarian state, nominally communist or not. Today the CCP is still in power and the insights of the Chinese anarchists are as relevant as ever.

Daniel received an IAS grant in the Winter of 2008 to support him in writing this essay.

Appendix: List of Chinese Anarchist Publications
Name: Date and Place of publication: Special Notes:
Xiao rehun 小热昏 Little Red Dusk * 1905; Shanghai 4 page pamphlet on labor. Written by Ji Qing.
Xin shiji 新世纪 New Era 1907; Paris Edited by Li Shizeng and Wu Zhihui.
Zongtongmeng bagong 总同盟罢工 The General Strike * 1907; Tokyo Published by Zhang Binglin.
Tianyi bao 天义报 Journal of Natural Justice 1907; Tokyo Founded by Liu Shipei and He Zhen.
Wuzhengfuzhuyi 无政府主义 Anarchism * 1907 Tokyo Written by Zhang Binglin.
Hengbao 恒(衡)报 Journal of Discussion 1908 (1905*) Founded by Liu Shipei. Printed in Tokyo but registered in Macao.
Xin sichao 新思潮 New Thought Tide* 1912; Shanghai A pamphlet produced by Hua Lin.
Huming lu 晦鸣录 (Voice of the Cock Crowing in the Darkness)
Later: Minsheng 民声 Voice of the People ⁂ August 20, 1913; Macao, Guangzhou, and Shanghai Produced by Shifu and the Minsheng Magazine Collective. Ceased publication in November 1916, resumed in March 1921, finally ceased publication in August 1921.
Soldier's Gospel (on Anti-Militarism) † 1913 A pamphlet printed by the Minsheng Magazine Collective
Yijiuyiwu 一九一无 1915 1914; Nanjing, Jiangsu Written by Wu Wu, Zhen Feng, Zhi Dao, and Qiu Tong. Never published.
Zheng shen 正声 The Voice of Right * 1914; Rangoon, Burma Edited by Liang Bingxian. A laborer's pamphlet in the vernacular.
Xi shen 牺牲 Die With Honor * 1914; Tokyo
Datong 大同 One World ⁑ 1915
Wuzhengfu qianshuo 无政府浅说 A Brief Introduction to Anarchism * 1916; Shanghai Written by Shifu. Printed by the Minsheng Magazine Collective.
Tongmeng bagong 再版同盟罢工 The General Strike (Reprint) * 1916: Shanghai Printed by the Minsheng Magazine Collective.
Wuzhengfu zhuyi 再版无政府主义 Anarchism (Reprint) * 1916; Shanghai Printed by the Minsheng Magazine Collective.
Pingmin zhi zhong 平民之钟 The Common People's Bell * 1916; Shanghai Written by Shifu and Fan Yi
Zhounian baogao 周年报告 Annual Report 1916; Nanjing, Jiangsu Produced by the Qun Society
Huagong zazhi 华工杂志 Chinese Laborer Magazine ⁑ January 10, 1917; Paris Publication of the Diligent-work Frugal-study Group
Ping min 平民 Common People* 1917; Manila, Philippines Produced by Hua Lin
Ziyou lu 自由录 Records of Freedom ⁑ July 1917; Beijing Publication of Shi Society
Minsheng she jishi lu 民声社纪事录 Recorded Activities of the Minsheng Society * ⁂ 1917; Shanghai Edited and printed by Zheng Peigang
Fu Hu ji 伏虎集 Taming the Tiger * ⁂ † 1917; Shanghai Shifu's criticisms of Jiang Kanghu
Minsheng congke 民声丛刻 Selections from Minsheng * 1917 (1918† ); Shanghai Previously unpublished writings
Gongren baojian 工人宝鉴 Worker's Handbook * ⁑ 1917 Published by the Minsheng Magazine Collective
Shijie fengyun 世界风云 “The World's Revolutionary Movements” * ⁂ † 1917; Singapore Edited by Liang Bingxian
Shijie gonghui 世界工会 The IWW * ⁂ 1917; Singapore Edited by Liang Bingxian
Renqun 人群 The Social * † 1917; Nanjing, Jiangsu Produced by Zhi Dao and the Qun Society. 1 issue
Laodong 劳动 Labor * March 20, 1918; Shanghai Founded by Wu Zhihui, assisted by Liang Bingxian and Liu Shixin. Monthly
Taiping 太平 Peace * † 1918; Shanxi Produced by Ke Shui and the Ping Society
Jindai kexue yu wuzhengfuzhuyi 近代科学与无政府主义Modern Science and Anarchism * † 1919; Shanghai Kropotkin's essay, translated into formal Chinese by Huang Lingshuang
Laodong chao 劳动潮 Tide of Labor * 1919; America Written by Liang Bingxian and Taimou
Minxing 闽星 Fujian Star * 1919; Zhangzhou, Fujian Weekly, edited by Liang Bingxian
Xin shenghuo 新生活 New Life * 1919; Tianjin Produced by Huang Lingshuang and Ban Ruo
Beijing daxue zhoukan 北京大学周刊 Peking University Weekly * 1919; Beijing Edited by Huang Lingshuang and Xing Bai
Jinhua 进化 Evolution * † January 20, 1919; Beijing Produced by the Jinhua Society
Xin Hunan 新湖南 New Hunan ⁑ June 15, 1919; Changsha Federalist, New Culture positive, moderately anarchist.
Juewu 觉悟 Awakening * June 16, 1919; Tianjin
Minfeng rikan 民风日刊 Tendency of the Citizens Daily ⁑ * July 1919; Guangzhou Edited by Liang Bingxian.
Minfeng zhoukan 民风周刊 Tendency of the Citizens Weekly ⁑ * August 1919; Guangdong, Guangzhou Edited by Liang Bingxian.
Xin shehui 新社会 The New Society ⁑ November 1, 1919 Sponsored by the YMCA
Zhejiang xin chao 浙江新潮 New Tide of Zhejiang ⁑ November 1, 1919; Hangzhou, Zhejiang Advocated internationalism and anarchist humanism.
Gongxue 工学 Work-Study ⁑ November 20, 1919; Beijing Founded by the Gongxue Society at Peking Higher Normal College
Min xing 闽星 Fujian Star / The Min Sheng Semi-Weekly ⁑ December 1, 1919; Zhangzhou, Fujian Edited by Chen Qiulin
Re chao 热潮 Hot Tide 1919; Changsha, Hunan
Wuzhengfu zhuyi On the Theory of Anarchism * † 1920; Guangzhou 5000 copies made by Zheng Peigang.
Selections from Shifu's Works † 1920 1000 copies made by the Minsheng Magazine Collective
Keluopaotejin de sixiang 克魯泡特金的思想 Kropotkin's Thought * † 1920; Shanghai 3000 copies made by Huang Lingshuang and Ke Shui
Gongchan yuanli 共产原理 Principles of Communism * 1920; Shanghai Written by Jin Qiu
Zhenli congkan 眞理丛刊 Truth * 1920; Guangzhou Published by Zheng Peigang
Ziyou 自由Freedom ⁑ 1920; Shanghai Produced by Jing Meijiu
Shehui yundong 社会运动 Social Movement* 1920; Beijing Published by De Rong
Geming chao 革命潮 Revolutionary Wave* 1920; Shanxi
Geming 革命 Revolution * 1920; Shanghai Produced by Ke Shui
Huzhu 互助 Mutual Aid ⁑ 1920; Wuchang, Hubei Single issue publication put out by Yun Daiying and others
Xin funü 新妇女 New Woman ⁑ January 1, 1920; Shanghai Anarchist feminist magazine produced by educators at a Girls' Middle School.
Jianjiang pinglun 錢江评论 Qiantang River Review ⁑ January 1, 1920; Hangzhou, Zhejiang Successor to Xin Zhejiang. Shen Zhongjiu acts as advisor.
Fen Dou 奋斗 Struggle * January 4, 1920; Beijing Publication of the Fendou Society. Irregular
Ren 人 Man ⁑ January 11, 1920; Guangdong Published by the Ren she 人社 Man Society. Members include Jing Meijiu and Zhao Taimou
Juewu 觉悟 Awakening ⁑ January 20, 1920; Tianjin Published by the Juewu she, of which Zhou Enlai is a member
Xin ren 新人 The New Individual ⁑ April 3, 1920; Shanghai
Zizhi 自治 Autonomy ⁑ June 1, 1920; Zhangzhou, Fujian
Laodongzhe 劳动者 Laborers ⁑ October 3, 1920; Guangdong Produced by the anarchists in the Guangdong branch of the Chinese Communist Party
Piping 批评 The Critic ⁑ October 1920; Beijing Founded by students at Peking University
Mingxing 明星 Bright Star 1921; Vancouver, Canada A publication of the Wengehua shuimu gonghui 温哥华水木工会 Vancouver Bricklayer's Union
Laogong 劳工 Workers ⁑ January 1, 1921; Hunan Produced by Huang Ai and Pang Renquan. Organ of the Hunan Worker's Union
Xin Zhejiang 新浙江 New Zhejiang ⁑ February 1, 1921; Shanghai A federalist magazine, labor friendly, influenced by Bertrand Russell
Xin Sichuan 新四川 New Sichuan ⁑ March, 1921; Shanghai Federalist, anti-religion, socialist, anarchist magazine
Shuangzhou pinglun 双周评论 Fortnightly Review ⁑ May 15, 1921; Wuxi, Jiangsu Peng Pai is a contributor. Promoted gender equality and social revolution. Critical of Marxism
Xin Shandong 新山东 New Shandong ⁑ July 1921; Jinan, Shandong Established by a student union. Advocated anarchist federalism for the province of Shandong
Guangdong sheng jiaoyu hui zazhi 广东省教育会杂志 The Journal of the Guangdong Educational Association ⁑ July 1921; Guangdong Contributors include Wang Jingwei, Ou Shengbai, and Wu Zhihui
Xin Haifeng 新海丰 "The New Hai Fong” ⁑ September 1, 1921; Haifeng, Guangdong Federalist, anarchist communist magazine
Awakening the People September 1921 Featured an article on nationalism by Ba Jin
Laodong Zhoukan劳动周刊 The Workers' Weekly ⁑ October 20, 1921; Changsha, Hunan Edited by Pang Renquan and Huang Ai. Labor paper. Critical of Marxism
Guangming 光明 Light ⁑ December 1921; Guangdong Established by Korean revolutionaries and their supporters
Xin gonghe 新共和 The New Republic December 10, 1921; Taiyuan, Shanxi Socialist anarchist paper. Established at National Shanxi University
Banyuekan 半月刊 Semimonthly 1921-1923[?]; Sichuan
Gongyu 工余 After Work (Surplus) January 15, 1922; Paris Produced by the Gongyu she 工余社 Surplus Society
Ziyou Zhoukan 自由周刊 Freedom Weekly* March 18, 1922; Shanghai Produced by the Shanghai ziyou she 上海自由社 Shanghai Freedom Society. This publication was not for sale, it was circulated privately.
Xin Yan 心言 Words from the Heart* 1922; Guangzhou A quarterly published by the Xinyan she 心言社 Words for the Heart Society
Xin Sheng Zhoukan 心声周刊 Voice of the Heart Weekly* 1922; Philippines Produced by Wang Sheng
Jianwen 见闻 Knowledge* 1922; Taiyuan. Shanxi Published by the Shanxi jianwen guanmo hui 山西见闻观摩会 Shanxi Knowledge Investigation Society
Minzhong Ribao 民钟日报 People's Bell Daily* June 1, 1922; Gulangyu, Xiamen, Fujian
Ziyou Yuekan 自由月刊 Freedom Monthly* 1922; Shanghai Produced by the Shanghai Ziyoushe 上海自由社 Shanghai Freedom Society
Minzhong 民钟 The People's Bell* July 1, 1922; Guangzhou A long-running monthly publication
!! ⁑ July 1, 1922; Tianjin Established by the anarcho-syndicalist associates of Huang Ai and Pang Renquan
Pingmin zhi Sheng 平民之声 The Common People's Voice* 1922; Chengdu, Sichuan This publications was a collaborative effort between multiple anarchist societies
Pingmin zhi Chao 平民之潮 The Common People's Tide* 1922; Beijing
Lübo 绿波 The Green Wave* 1922; Beijing Distribution was halted by police suppression
Lüguang 绿光 The Green Light* 1922; Shanghai Pacifist anarchist magazine in Esperanto. Edited by Zhi Gang. Carried regular columns by Vasily Eroshenko and Shen Guocheng. Published at least 7 issues.
Qingnian Wenyi 青年文艺 Youth Culture and Arts* 1922; Changsha, Hunan An anarchist paper associated with a women's school and a teacher's college. Published at least 4 issues.
Huo 火 Fire 1922 Published by the Chixin she 赤心社 Dark-red Heart Society
Xuehui 学汇 The Sea of Learning* October 10, 1922; Beijing Edited by Jing Meijiu. Distributed as a supplement to the mainstream newspaper, Guofeng ribao 国风日报 National Culture Daily
Minsheng 民声 The Voice of the People * October 1922; Changsha, Hunan Different from the earlier magazine with the same name. Produced by the An she 安社 Peace Society
Xingguang 星光 Starlight* 1922; Tianjin Produced by the Xingguang she 星光社 Starlight Society
Wuyi Yuekan 五一月刊 Mayday Monthly* 1922; Guangdong Not for sale. Privately circulated internal organ of the Mayday Club
Qianjin 前进 Onward* 1922; Wuhu, Anhui Published by Wuhu An she 芜湖安社 Wuhu Peace Society
Xiangying 响影 Reaction* 1922 [?]; Anqing, Anhui Produced by the An dang 安党 Peace Party, who were on strike at the time of publication
Lüzhi 绿帜 The Green Flag* 1922 [?]; Changsha and Jiangsu Esperanto anarchist paper
Xin Dalu 新大陆 The New Continent* 1922; America Produced by Huang Lingshuang about his experiences in America and Europe
Falü yu qiangquan 法律与强权 Law and Authority* 1922; Guangzhou Produced by Liang Bingxian
Ren 人 Man* 1922; Shanghai Produced by the Qingnian zijiue hui 青年自觉会 (Youth Self-awakening Society)
Yinshi she yuekan 因是社月刊 Because of Society Monthly * 1922; Guangdong Published by Lang Ou
Hongchao 红潮 Red Tide * 1922; Hankou, Hubei
Jiushi yan 救世音 The Sound of Salvation 1922; Hankou, Hubei
23 * 1923; Dongtingshan, Hunan Published by Mo Chi and Aiming
Lifa 理发 The Haircut* 1923; Guangzhou, Guangdong Monthly, privately circulated. At least five issues released
Rensheng 人声 The People's Voice* 1923; Chongqing, Sichuan Produced by Jiang Jiulin
Dongting Bo 洞庭波 Waves of Dongting Lake* 1923; Changsha, Hunan Published every ten days as the organ of a student union.
Xincun 新村 TheNew Village* 1923; Jiangsu
Juehuo 爝火 The Torch Flame* February 10, 1923; Beijing Produced by the Xishe 曦社 Daylight Society
Nongmin zhi you 农民之友 The Peasant's Friend* 1923; Beijing Semi-monthly. Published by a group of peasant activists
Aiming 哀鸣 The Wail* 1923; Beijing At least six issues published
Xin Haiyan 新海(宴) The New Ocean* 1923; Guangzhou Every-ten-days periodical. At least six issues published
Qiantu Banyuekan 前途半月刊 Fortune Semimonthly* 1923; Shanghai At least 13 issues published
Ziyou Nü 自由女 The Free Woman* 1923; Shanghai Published by a women's school
Huzhu Yuekan 互助月刊 Mutual Aid Monthly * ⁑ March 15, 1923; Beijing Only 3 issues published. Conducted a survey that found there were at least 21 anarchist societies active in China at the time, estimated that over 70 anarchist publications appeared in China before 1923
Shiliu ge Ren 十六个人 16 People* 1923
Shier Xinwen 十二新闻 12 News Items* 1923 [?]; Chengdu, Sichuan
Guomin Xinwen 国民新闻 The Citizen's News* 1923 [?]; Sichuan
Renqun 人[?] The Crowd* May 1, 1923; Malaysia Edited by Xu Zhou. Special Mayday publication. 1 issue
Taiyang 太阳 The Sun* May 1, 1923; Malaysia See above
Guomin 国民 The Citizen* May 2, 1923; Shanghai Weekly. At least 3 issues published
Minfeng 民锋 The People's Point* May 1923; Nanjing, Jiangsu Irregular. Sister publication of Qiantu Banyuekan (see above). Name was later changed to Heilan 黑澜 Black Swell
Hao Shijie 好世界 The Good World* 1923 [?]; Guangzhou, Guangdong
Xianfeng 先锋 The Herald* 1923; Xiamen, Fujian Monthly
Chengdu 成都 Chengdu (A city in Sichuan Province)* May 1, 1923; Chengdu, Sichuan Pamphlet on anarchism, for sale
Fuyin 福音 Gospel* 1923; Chengdu, Sichuan Pamphlet on anarchism, for sale
Jiming 鸡鸣 The Cock's Crow* June 1923; Hankou, Jiangsu Monthly
Feiniao 飞鸟 The Bird in Flight* 1923; Changsha, Hunan Produced by Changsha's first anarchist activist
Weiming 微明 Twilight* July 1, 1923; Jiangsu First irregular, then monthly. Four issues publisehd
Pingmin zhi Feng 平民之锋 The Cusp of the Common People* 1923; Changsha, Hunan Monthly
Chunlei 春雷 Spring Thunder* October 1923; Guangzhou, Guangdong Irregular, at least two issues. Produced by the Zhen she 眞社Genuine Society
Yiqun 益群 Common Good* 1923
Lingxing 零星 Scattered* October 1923; Chongqing Originally titled Xingxing 星星 Star in the Sky. Supplement to a business newspaper
Aibo 爱波 Love Wave* 1923; Chongqing Irregular, privately circulated. Collective involved anarchists who met in Shanghai
Heilan 黑澜 Black Luster* October 1923; Nanjing, Jiangsu See Minfeng, above
Lüyun 绿云 The Green Cloud* 1923; Taiyuan, Shanxi About “Purism”
Qiusheng Xunkan 秋声旬刊 The Autumn Voices Newsletter* 1923; Xianmen, Fujian Provided free to anarchist colleagues
Qiri Pinglun 七日评论 The 7-day Critic* January 1, 1924; Shanghai Weekly
Pohuan 破环 Break out of the Circle* January 1924; Changsha, Hunan Irregular. Produced by the Xing she 星社 Star Society
Jingzhe 惊蛰 Jingzhe (A special day on the Chinese lunar calendar)* 1924; Guangzhou, Guangdong Monthly. Published by the Zhen she 眞社Genuine Society. Successor to Chunlei (see above)
Ziyouren 自由人 The Free Person* March 5, 1924; Shanghai Monthly. Merged with Gongyu (see above) after fifth issue
Hongdangzhixia zhi Gongren Geming 红党治下之工人革命 The Worker's Revolution Under the Rule of the Red Party* March 7, 1924; Beijing 12-page commemorative pamphlet on the Kronstadt Uprising. Published by the Beijing Esperanto Special School, “Su Nina”, and the Beijing An she 北京安社 Beijing Peace Society
Buping Ming 不平鸣 An Outcry Against Injustice* March 22, 1924; Changsha, Hunan Produced by the Xing she 星社 Star Society
Pingping Xunkan 平平旬刊 The Nothing-Special Newsletter* April 1, 1924; Shanghai Every-ten-day periodical. Published by the Ping she 平社 Equality Society with help from Korean and Taiwanese anarchists
Laodong Xunkan 劳动旬刊 The Labor Newsletter* April 1924; Shanghai Produced at Shanghai University by a neighborhood association. Not for sale
Minzhong 民众 The Masses* 1925; Shanghai
A* 1926; Wuchang, Hubei Published at Wuchang University by Huang Peixin and the Xing she 星社 Star Society
Pingdeng 平等 Equality 1926-1927 [?] Published writings by Ba Jin

EndNotes

1 Chow Tse-tsung, The May Fourth Movement (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960), 108.
2 Quoted in Tsi C. Wang, The Youth Movement in China (New York: 1927), 36. Found in Chow (1960), 93.
3 The Russian revolution was actually regarded as an anarchist social revolution until 1919 at the latest, and many thought that it legitimized anarchism and revealed its capacity to reorganize the economic and political structure of a whole country. See Arif Dirlik, The Origins of Chinese Communism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989).
4 Chen Duxiu, “Xin Qingnian zuian zhi dabianshu (Reply to Charges Against New Youth),” New Youth 6, 1 (January 1919), 10-11.
5 Chow (1960), 66.
6 Meng Qingshu, Wuzhengfu zhuyi yu wusi xin wenhua [Anarchism and May Fourth New Culture] (Hunan University Press, 2006).
7 Peter Kropotkin, “Modern Science and Anarchism,” translated from the Russian original by David A. Modell and published by the Social Science Club of Philadelphia in 1903. The text is hosted online at the anarchy archives, , accessed 22 July 2008.
8 Daniel P. Todes, Darwin Without Malthus: The Struggle for Existence in Russian Evolutionary Thought (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989).
9 For more information see Chow Tse-tsung, Research Guide to the May Fourth Movement (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963), 42
10 Chow (1960), 301.
11 See Chun-Jo Liu, Controversies in Modern Chinese Intellectual History (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964), 66-68.
12 Chow (1963), 79.
13 Yeh Wen-hsin, “Middle County Radicalism: The May Fourth Movement in Hangzhou,” The China Quarterly 140 (Dec. 1994): 905.
14 Yeh erroneously attributes this translation to Ba Jin. At the time that Shi was reading Kropotkin (1918-19), Ba Jin was a young teenager just immersing himself in anarchism. The translation of Kropotkin's “An Appeal to the Young” was probably the one done by Li Shizeng.
15 Yeh (1994), 912.
16 Yeh (1994), 914.
17 Chow (1963), 95.
18 See Vera Schwarz, The Chinese Englightenment: Intellectuals and the Legacy of the May Fourth Movement of 1919 (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1986), 94-95.
19 Chow (1963), 125.
20 Lu Zhe, Zhongguo wuzhengfu zhuyi shigao [History of Chinese Anarchism], (Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1990), 159.
21 Chow (1963), 45.
22 Chow (1963), 51.
23 Chow (1963), 68.
24 Chow (1960), 243.
25 Chow (1960), 48.
26 Mao Zedong, originally penned 1919, republished in Mao Zedong ji, (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1975) Vol. 1, 59-60. Found in Hun-Yok Ip, “The Origins of Chinese Communism: A New Interpretation” in Modern China, Vol. 20, No. 1, 38.
27 Chow (1963), 84.
28 See Marilyn K. Levine, The Lost Generation (Seattle: University of Washington, 1993), for a fuller history.
29 Nohara Shirō, “Anarchists and the May 4 Movement in China,” trans. Philip Billingsley, Negations, (28 February 2008).
30 There are a few notable examples of anarchist labor organizers. Huang Ai and Pang Renquan, both anarchists, were executed for their role in a Changsha-area strike. Zheng Peigang, as well, spent time organizing among shipping workers in Shanghai around 1917.
31 Chow (1963), 98.
32 Schwarz (1986).
33 Dirlik (1989), 37.
34 Citation needed.
35 Edward S. Krebs, Shifu, Soul of Chinese Anarchism (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 1998), 179-180.
36 See Krebs, 107-8.
37 Chow (1963), 38.
38 Chow (1963), 1.
39 For documentation of anarchist publications, see appendix.
40 Wusi shiqi qikan jieshao (An Introduction to Periodicals of the May Fourth Period), 6 vols. (Beijing: Sanlian Shudian, 1979).; Ge Maochun et al., eds. Wuzhengfuzhuyi sixiang ziliaoxuan [Selections of Anarchist Thought], 2 vols. (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1984).; Zhang Yunhou et al., eds. Wusi shiqi de shetuan [ Societies of the May Fourth Period], 4 vols. (Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 1979).
41 Lu (1990), 162.
42 The failed assassin of Qin Shihuangdi.
43 A populist revolutionary, hung in 1881 for killing the Czar.
44 “Shi she ziyoulu bianyan (Preface to the Truth Society's Records of Freedom),” reprinted in vol. 3 of Wusi shiqi qikan jieshao [Introduction to the Periodicals of the May Fourth Period] (Beijing: Sanlian Shudian, 1979), 491. Translation by Jackson Turner and Daniel Cairns.
45 Yasuko Shin, “The Family and Freedom: Anarchist Discourses about Love, Marriage, and the Family in Japan and China, 1900s-1930s” (Ph.D. Diss., Australian National University, 2003), 120.
46 Howard Boorman, ed. Biographical Dictionary of Republican China (New York: Columbia University Press, 1967-1971), 418.
47 Lu (1990), 158-159.
48 This remark most likely refers to when the warlord government deemed Shi she's Ziyou lu as 'heretical' and the cause of national instability and restlessness in June 1919. See Zhongguo wuzhengfu zhuyi he Zhongguo shehuidang [Chinese Anarchism and the Chinese Socialist Party] (Nanjing: Jiangsu renmin chubanshe, 1981), 32.
49 [Huang] Lingshuang, “Jinhua zazhi xunyan” [The Declaration of Evolution], reprinted in vol. 3 of Wusi shiqi qikan jieshao [Introduction to the Periodicals of the May Fourth Period] (Beijing: Sanlian Shudian, 1979), 493-4. Translation by Jackson Turner and Daniel Cairns.
50 Specifically mentioned works include Kropotkin's “Modern Science and Anarchism” and The Conquest of Bread, and essays by Jean Grave and Jacques Reclus.
51 Dirlik (1989), 32.
52 Chow (1963), 98.

Bibliography

Boorman, Howard, ed. Biographical Dictionary of Republican China. New York: Columbia University Press, 1967-1971.

Chow Tse-tsung. The May Fourth Movement: Intellectual Revolution in Modern China. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960.
--. Research Guide to the May Fourth Movement. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963.

Dirlik, Arif. The Origins of Chinese Communism. New York: Oxford University Press, 1989.
--. Anarchism in the Chinese Revolution. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991.

Ge Maochun et al., eds. Wuzhengfuzhuyi sixiang ziliaoxuan [Selections of Anarchist Thought], 2 vols. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1984.

Ip, Hun-Yok. “The Origins of Chinese Communism: A New Interpretation” in Modern China, Vol. 20, No. 1 (1994): 34-63.

Krebs, Edward S. Shifu, Soul of Chinese Anarchism. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefiled Publishers, 1998.

Kropotkin, Peter. “Modern Science and Anarchism.” Anarchy Archives. (22 July 2008).

Levine, Marilyn K. The Lost Generation. Seattle: University of Washington, 1993.

Lin Yü-sheng. The Crisis of Chinese Consciousness: Radical Antitraditionalism in the May Fourth Era. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1976.

Liu Chun-Jo. Controversies in Modern Chinese Intellectual History. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964.

Lu Zhe. Zhongguo wuzhengfu zhuyi shigao [History of Chinese Anarchism]. Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1990.

Meng Qingshu. Wuzhengfu zhuyi yu wusi xin wenhua [Anarchism and May Fourth New Culture]. Hunan University Press, 2006.

Nohara Shirō, “Anarchists and the May 4 Movement in China.” Translated by Philip Billingsley. Negations. (28 February 2008).

Schwartz, Benjamin I. Reflections on the May Fourth Movement: A Symposium. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972.

Todes, Daniel P. Darwin Without Malthus: The Struggle for Existence in Russian Evolutionary Thought. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989.

Wusi shiqi qikan jieshao [An Introduction to Periodicals of the May Fourth Period]. 6 vols. Beijing: Sanlian Shudian, 1979.

Xin Qingnian [New Youth]. Originally Shanghai. Electronic documents.

Yasuko Shin. “The Family and Freedom: Anarchist Discourse about Love, Marriage, and the Family in Japan and China, 1900s-1930s.” Ph.D. diss., Australian National University, 2003.

Yeh Wen-hsin. “Middle County Radicalism: The May Fourth Movement in Hangzhou.” In The China Quarterly 140 (Dec. 1994): 903-925.

Zarrow, Peter Gue. Anarchism and Chinese Political Culture. New York: Columbia University Press, 1990.

Zhang Yunhou et al., eds. Wusi shiqi de shetuan. Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 1979.

Zhongguo wuzhengfu zhuyi he Zhongguo shehuidang [Chinese Anarchism and the Chinese Socialist Party]. Nanjing: Jiangsu renmin chubanshe, 1981.

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